1 50 5 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Fenkell Family collection Text A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. View/Download File(s) Link to download files <a href="https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/1YcEjc7kl35YvrFGo-WiwYv-ZVxTf0ugp?usp=sharing">JPG Images</a> <a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1dp-Kgfh-9MWt9h-AHgKzeUi8g2r4BF92/view?usp=sharing">Text-Searchable PDF</a> Document Text Document text Publication of the National Resource Center on Political Prisoners in the Philippines ( Project of the Anti-Martial Law Coalition- Philippines) VOLUME 1, Number 2 JUNE 1978 FREE Mondale Pleaser Marcos Denies Political Prisoners Exist President Marcos and U.S. Vice President Mondale conferred on U.S. -R. P. relations during the latter's visit to the Philippines last April. Marcos again denied the existence of political prisoners despite overwhelming evidence prouing otheru•ise. Once again, in his visit with U.S. Vice President Walter Mondale, President Marcos has asserted that "there are no political prisoners remaining in the country. Those still under detention are prisoners facing charges'' (Times Journal, May 4, 1978). Actually, as of March 31, 1978 there were 552 political detainees accounted for in the country's military stockades; 27 political detainees are still on the missing list; and 25 political detainees of only one detention center (Bicutan Center) are still without charges. The 1973 Philippine Constitution guarantees the right to a speedy, public and impartial trial (Article IV, Sec. 16 and 19). So regardless of the verbal ''sleight of hand,'' there are political detainees in the Philippines; there are persons under detention for political reasons as well as for political crimes. (PP Update, May 5, 1978). • Tantiado, Luarca Dirty Elections Casualties Though unknown to each other, Teotimo Tantiado and Orlando Luarca were similar in many ways during their brief but inspiring lifetimes. Both were poor peasants lured to the big city, Manila, by the hope of a better future. Both found out the harsh reality that lay behind the glitter of city life, where one had to eke out a living through hard toil. Both came to the realization that the promise of a better future lay in social change. Both worked for social change, Teotimo as a church worker; Orlando as a trade unionist; together as advocates for clean elections during the last polls. Both returned home for the last time in May to be buried. TIMOY'S ORDEAL Ironically, returning home was foremost on Teotimo' s mind on April 10, the day he was apprehended at the Loyola House of Studies by a team of Metrocom Intelligence men. On the same day, Teotimo ''Timoy,'' had planned to leave for Buhi, Camarines Sur, with his sister on the occasion of the fourth death anniversary of their late father. Timoy never showed up at the appointed time, keeping instead, a surprise visit with the military. For four days, not a word was heard of Timoy and a co-worker, Lorenzo Faustino ( still in detention), arrested with him. Meanwhile, rumours circulated that he was being heavily tortured. On April 15, Fr. Elmer Romero called Col. Rolando Abadilla, head of the Metrocom unit which arrested Timoy, to verify the rumours. A badilla replied with a bare-faced lie that the two were still being investigated. Little did Fr. Romero and concerned Jesuits like him suspect that Timoy was already dead. According to records at V. Luna Hospital, Tantiado was admitted on April 12 at 7:30 p.m. He seemed seriously ill and kept uttering incoherent remarks indicating delirium. Once he bit a dextrose tubing attached to him and drank the fluid directly. On April 13, Timoy was brought to the Surgical Intensive Care Unit where he died at 4:00 p.m., April 15. Cause of death was listed as "acute pancreatitis" - the rupture of the pancreas and the release of digestive juices to other internal organs. Turn to page 6 2 EDITORIAL During the last elections, thousands took to the streets to raise the democratic rights of the Filipino p eople. Among them, as the banner above reads is ''Free all Political Prisoners. '· INTERCEDE FOR RELEASE ADOPT -A - PRISONER '' International press did help a lot in our release,'' wrote one recently released polit ical detainee . This young prisoner had been held for three months without trial in Bicutan prison outside of Manila. Her charge- ' 'subversion.'' Evidence to substantiate this charge - none. Like thousands of other political prisoners in the Philippines, her freedom was subject to the prosecutorial discretion of the martial law military apparatus . Due to international publicity on her case and on those others arrested with her, and to massive g rassroots pressure against the jailor government for its perpetration of injustices, she was released. But thousands of innocent men and women continue to remain their cells- for weeks, for months, for years deprived of their liberty. In an effort to internationally spotlight the arbitrary and brutal arrests of innocent persons in the Philippines under President Marcos, and thereby work for their eventual release from prison, the National Resource Center on Political Prisoners in the Philippines has begun its adopt-aprisoner campaign. Groups will work on behalf of specific prisoners whose dossiers have been disseminated to them on request (see back page) by the NRCPPP. This work will include publicizing the plight of each prisoner in the local press and media, and pressuring the Marcos government for each prisoner's release by intensive letter writing campaigns each month aimed at top government officials in the Philippines. It is work of this nature that has been effective in securing the release of thousands of men and women who have been political prisoners in countries especially sensitive to international public opinion (and to foreign aid) - such as the Philippines. Your letters could mean the difference between imprisonment and liberty. Join us . • TANOD • June 1978 WHO WE ARE •.. TANOD draws its information from Political Prisoners Update and Quarterly, publications of the Task Force On Detainees, and various documentation and profile provided by concerned groups in the Philippines. Should you have access to any information which would be helpful in promoting the cause of political prisoners, please share with us. Since President Marcos declared martial law in the Philppines in 1972, over 60,000 persons have been arrested for political reasons. Brutal torture has been applied to these political prisoners systematically. Many have died in detention. Others have simply '' disappeared'' - later to be found dead. The judicial system within which political detainees are tried is that of the military tribunal - described as '' a mockery" by prominent U.S. civil rights attorney John c~ughlan and as a "farce" by one reputable International Commission of Jurists observer. "Justice" is delivered by Marcos-appointed judges whose very employment depends on compliance with the will of the President. In light of these consistent and widespread violations of internationally recognized human rights which have shown no sign of subsidence although now universally acknowledged by respected non-governmental organizations such as Amnesty International, it has become crucial to widely publicize the patterns and victims of repression in the Philippines and to initiate campaigns aimed at preventing further human rights violations. TANOD, the monthly bulletin of the National Resource Center on Political Prisoners in the Philippines is responding to this need to monitor, inform the general public on, and challenge martial law policy with regard to political dissent. TANOD, or "to watch," broadly suggests vigilance and the protection of life in a community where just law in inoperative. The National Resource Center on Political Prisoners in the Philippines was created during the October 1977 conference of the Anti-Martial Law Coalition. The NRCPPP is committed to generating support for Philippine prisoners through letter writing and telegram campaigns directed at the Marcos regime; fundraisers for prisoners and their families; and the dissemination of literature publicizing their plight.• TANOD • June 1978 3 APPEALS/UPDATES . . Six Freed Under Gag Senator Lorenzo Tanada and other members of the opposition LABAN party as they were hauled off to prison last April 9. Six political foes of President Marcos were freed June 6 on the condition that they not talk to journalists or support ''subversive'' organizations. The release of former senator Francisco Rodrigo and five others came two days after Marcos announced that all charges of sedition and illegal assembly would be dropped against them and more than 500 arrested in April for anti-government demonstrations. The six had to pledge not ''to join or support directly or indirectly any subversive organization or association or join any lawless gang." ''That's not difficult to do,'' Rodrigo said in a telephone interview, ''but I have my own definition of subversion." Police arrested the opposition demonstrators April 9 during a march through downtown Manila protesting martial law and alleged vote rigging at the National Assembly elections earlier that month. All others were released earlier. They included former Senator Lorenzo Tanada, 79, who had been the opposition's chief campaign manager. The others freed June 6 were Ernesto Rondon and Teopisto Guingona, members of the 1971 convention which drafted the present parliamentary constitution; Aquilino Pimentel, the Rev. Romeo Intengan and Joker Arroyo, chief attorney for the opposition party. All but Intengan and Arroyo contested the April elections in which Marcos' party swept into office. (Associated Press) ''Sylvia Sales'' ldentif ied, Located Evelyn Sarmiento (alias Sylvia Sales) has also been located at the MSU, Ft. Bonifacio. Earlier, it had been reported that Sylvia Sales was missing. Evelyn who was with the party arrested with Sison, was recently reunited with her sister Norma on April 6, 1978. Norma acting on a hunch, repeatedly pressed the Department of National Defense to allow her access to the then unknown Sylvia Sales. Letters and telegrams urging the transfer of Evelyn to regular detention quarter is highly recommended.• Sison Still - Incommunicado The whereabouts of Jose Ma. Sison, alleged chairman of the Communist Party of the Philippines has been traced to the Military Security Unit (MSU), Fort Bonifacio, reliable sources report. Mr. Sison has been held incommunicado in an isolation cell since his arrest along with four others last Nov. 10. Meanwhile, a campaign urging the military to transfer Sison to regular Mr. Sison has been held incommunicado in an isola- Jose Ma. Sison has been tion cell since his arrest kept in solitary confine- along with. four others last ment for over seven Nov. 10. Meanwhile, a cammonths. paign urging the military to transfer Sison to regular detention quarters is being unfolded by the International Association of Filipino Patriots (IAFP), a U.S. AND Canada based organization supporting the Philippine resistance. Already, 400 signatures to a petition urging the military to allow Sison access to family, and defense, have been gathered. Copies of the petitions were sent to President Marcos, Defense Secretary Enrile and Amnesty International. For more information write: IAFP, P.O. Box 24737, Oakland CA 94623.• Ailing Detainee Pleas For Release Joaquin Rivera, arrested in October 1974 and presently detained at the Bicutan Rehabilitation Center, is pleading for his release on medical grounds. Rivera is suffering from osteomyelitis - the inflamation of the bone and marrow as a result of infection - and could only seek adequate medical attention and save his leg from amputation under conditions of freedom. Upon his arrest, Rivera only suffered from a gunshot wound which was only attended to after two weeks had elapsed. Under the ''care'' of Camp Crame physicians, the wound ''progressed'' to a bone fracture: Only a year later was he transferred to the National Orthopedic Hospital where he underwent major surgery. His family went into heavy debt to pay for medicines amounting to more than P5,000.00. Against his doctor's advice, he was moved to Camp Crame and later to Bicutan where follow-up care is nearly impossible. Rivera is seldom visited by relatives; his widowed mother having to support many other dependents. Letters pressing for his release as well as donations for his medical expenses, are strongly urged. • ' 4 TANOD • June 1978 Eastern Samar Military Terrorism Escalates Despite mounting concern and indignation over military operations against innocent civilians in Eastern Samar, arbitratry arrests, forced evacuation, atrocities and murders, continue unabated. The latest round of abuses occurred between April 19 to May 27, 1978 in Dolores and surrounding villages. Over this period, ten persons were arrested, six of these tortured, six more killed and 18 houses burned by elements of the Task Force Leysam, Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP). On April 19, three brothers, Romeo, Mario and Jose Lazarra were arrested, tortured and held hostage for their brother who was suspected to be a member of the New Peoples Army. In the following days Loreto J ardio, Zosimo Ribarter, Sen soy Calvo, Joseph Ducabo, Artemio Boletin and his small child, Francisco Nebreja and his 69-year old grandfather, were rounded up and arrested. Between April 23 to May 7, the following were killed: Abe and Berting Rivato ; Soseng Aberia and his son , and Magdaleno Lazarra and a companion, Eufracio. Adding a gruesome finish to their rampage, Army troopers stationed in Bo. Buenavista, severed the ears and thumbs and slit the abdomens of Magdaleno and Eufracio. Map of Samar. Calbiga is under the seige of military forces who abuse p eople at will. NATIONAL PATIERN These series of crimes fallows a national pattern of punitive actions against local populations suspected of supporting the insurgent New Peoples' Army (NPA). Over 1977, there has been an upsurge in military abuses in the provinces of Davao del Norte, Cagayan Valley, Ilocos-Montanosa, Negros Occidental and Eastern Samar - areas where the NP A reportedly draws significant support. In 1978 however, military counterinsurgency activity has been most concentrated and acutely felt in the economically depressed provinces of N egros Occidental and Eastern Samar, both located in the Visayas. Some 23 deaths in the hands of the military have been reported from these two provinces alone between January and March, this year. VILLAGES VIRTUALLY DESERTED One of the worst afflicted towns is Calbiga, Eastern Samar where the Task Force Leysam and the 553rd Company have forcibly evacuated some four hundred families from nineteen adjoining barrios. One resident has described the situation as '' worse than the Japanese occupation." Prior to the mass evacuation, military troops roamed the barrios arresting and torturing anyone they suspected and confiscating at will, the food, poultry, livestock, farm implements and other properties of the farmers. Occasionally, the trigger-happy soldiers would decapitate the heads of their victims and display these in the town plaza to serve warning to those who would resist their tyranny. Even the mayor could not oppose the rule of the military for he is under heavy surveillance. He has been threatened several times for reporting atrocities to military higher ups. The following reports are a few examples of the murders and other Turn to page 7 Mau ban Victims' Freedom for 20 Asked # Whereabouts - a Mystery Letters and cables demanding information on fou r detainees miss ing since August 1977, are urgently needed. Jessica Sales, Gerardo Faustino, Rizalina Ilagan, Bong Sison and Cristina Cattalla, are claimed by the 11 P . C. Zone Command to have been killed in an armed encounter in Mauban, Quezon. They were allegedly J essica Sales, former U. P. buried in a common grave instructor is still missing. in Lucena City. Only Bong's body however, has in Lucena City, Only Bong's body however, has been exhumed and positively identified. Sightings of J essica in the company of military men were reported four times from the period of August to November, 1977.• Relatives of Prisoners Petition Mondale Some sixty-eight relatives of political prisoners petitioned U.S. Vice President Walter Mondale to inquire on the human rights situation of political detainees, last April 30. In particular, the relatives pressed Mondale to inquire on the non-implementation of Letter of Instruction No. 621 providing among others, for the grant of temporary release to any detainee "for humanitarian considerations." The group recommended the release of twenty political prisoners who, because of illness or personal difficulties, qualified for temporary release. Their open letter read in part: ''We believe that long, indefinite detention and torture inflicted upon our detainee-relatives already call for redress. Moreover, we believe that the mental and emotional sufferings and economic difficulties undergone by our families make for just, humanitarian grounds to grant our petitions for the release of our detained J TANOD • June 1978 5 Visayan Farmer Lay Worker Remembers 19-Hour Ordeal Leonila Artagme, baring the marks of torture, was one victim of fhe escalating abuses of the military in the Visayas. My name is Leonilo Alberto Artagme. I was born in Victorias on Sept. 27, 1953. My father is Benito Artagme, 48 years old, and my mother is Rizalina Alberto Artagme, 4 7 year old. I have five brothers, two sisters and I am the eldest in my family. My father works on his 4. 06 hectares of rice and com fields, and my brother is a sugar worker. On Oct. 19, 1974, I began to work for the parish in our barrio in Banman, Locotan, Kabankalan, Negros Occidental as a lay leader in prayer services and later I began to help give seminars in the parishes. The following is a true account of my experience on the night of Feb. 6, 1978. NIGHT CALLERS It was Monday evening at about 11:00 when I heard an angry voice calling' 'Boy, Boy, Boy!'' Because I recognized the voice, without hesitation, I opened the door. But as soon as I stepped outside, somebody pointed a gun at me and ordered me to come down from our house. I was not able to refuse. When I came down, they brought me to the santol tree near our house. While hitting me with the muzzle of a gun, one of them asked me if I saw a man carrying a sub-machine gun. I answered, "No, sir.'' Then I felt the butt of the gun, hitting me on the back and then I was asked another question, '' Did you see any man with a gun going by?" I answered, "No, sir." Then the muzzle of the gun was hit against my ribs. ' 'FINISH HIM' ' Then they ordered all the males to come out of the house and asked the same questions. They also answered ''No.'' They asked me '' Where are they?'' I answered, '' I don't know.'' Then they tied and blindfolded me. ·They brought me a short distance away from our house. They constantly kicked and hit me with their fists and the muzzle and butt of the gun. Then they took hold of my two feet and dragged me. After a while, I was untied and the blindfold removed. At that time, I did nGt know what happened to my father and brother, Elizalde. We walked for about a kilometer and then I saw their six by six truck (approaching). We rode for about an hour and then stopped at a very secluded place. I was ordered to get down from the truck, and I got down. Somebody again asked me, "Where is Juan?" I answered, "I don't know sir.'' One of them said, ''We cannot do anything with him, it's better if we finish him (up)." I was hit again and again and then one of them said, ''I will finish him. sir.·' At that time I became aware that they were miJitary n1en. He clicked the bolt on his gun. Their commander said, '' Fool we will run over him so there will be no ' investigation.'' They all got up on the truck and the driver was ordered to run over me. I had not totally lost consciousness and when the truck backed up, I rolled and ran as fast as I could. LEFT FOR DEAD When I was a short distance away, I head explosions and felt a sharp pain in my left shoulder. I ran faster until I reached a cane plantation and I went in to hide n1yse1f because they were running after me. They searched . . . for about 15 minutes but could not find me. I overheard them saying, ''He's no longer here, sir.·' And ... the commander said, ''Even if we cannot find hiin. it doesn't matter, because he cannot survive his wounds .... ·' 15-HOUR ORDEAL I think at that time it was about 3: 00 in the morning of Feb. 7 when they (finally) left. About an hour later, I started to walk until I reached a clearing. I slept at a camote plantation and it was about 8:00 in the morning when I woke up. I went to a nearby brook to wash. A man who was grazing his carabao passed by and I implored him to help me but he did not. I did not eat for the whole day and the sun was hot. I went back to the camote plantation at about 3:00 in the afternoon to lie down. It so happened that I heard somebody chopping wood on the other side of the brook so I asked for help. It was about 6:00 p.m. when I finally drank some boiled water. Later my friends came and brought me to a house neasr the clearing. At about 11 :00 p. m., Fr. Hogan arrived in his Toyota and picked me up and brought me to the hospital. I stayed in the hospital until Feb. 21, 1978. (Signed) Leonilo Artagme 6 TANOD • June 1978 Teotimo Tantiado ''SPIRIT SHALL DWELL IN OUR MINDS'' From page 1 SACRIFICIAL LAMB What did Timoy do to deserve such a fate? For those who knew him, Timoy was a hard working young man, forced by poverty and the death of his father to assume the role of breadwinner at the age of 15. Timoy worked odd jobs at Bo. Capre, Novaliches, Quezon City and interspersed his time v;ith community work and church-related activities. He was also an office aide to Fr. Romeo lntengan of the Jesuit order. Timoy 's last weeks were spent volunteering as a poll \.\ratcher at the Bo. Capre voting center and hawking the newspaper Malayang Pilipinas. His brief record in community involvement could hardly be deemed "subversive," much less warrant his death by torture. This paradox had led many to believe that Timoy was a victim of circumstances-a convenient scapegoat caught in the wrong place at the wrong time. His death is further proof of the thoroughly cruel nature of the Marcos dictatorship. Angered by the massive outpour of civilian discontent throughout the election period, the regime struck back at its critics blindly and with a vengeance. Arbitrary arrests, surveillance and a travel ban were used to force back the citizenry into submission. But the dictatorship not only demanded scapegoats upon which to ventilate its fury: it demanded sacrificial lambs as well in the persons of Tirnoy, Orlando and many yet unknown casualties of the infamous elections. TRIALS OF A TRADE UNIONIST It was against this backdrop of terror and retaliation that Orlando "Ka. Orly" Luarca met his death on April 22. Rather than be cowed, Ka. Orly braved the repressive headwinds to tell the truth about the fraudulent elections. But then danger was nothing new to Ka. Orly. A trade unionist at the Sacoba Manufacturing Corporation, Ka. Orly had just led a successful strike, amidst difficulties, sacrifice and great personal risk. He was distributing leaflets to churchgoers and passersby in front of the Pasig Church, Barrio Kapasigan when three military operatives arrested him. Eyewitnesses identified his assailants as Robert Vasco, a trooper of the 221st Constabulary Detachment; Patrolman Antonio Buenavides and a certain ·'Abe,'' both of the Pasig police. Unfazed by the presence of many bystanders, the three frisked Ka. Orly and confiscated all his things. Then he was brought to Plaza Pariancillo where he was severely manhandled and publicly ridiculed as a "thief and snatcher. ' ' He was then dragged to a private jeep and brought to the Pasig rotunda where the second round of investigation ensued. There Luarca suffered anew from blows and kicks dealt by all three. Unable to extract information from him on the whereabouts of his companions, one of his arresting officers drew a gun and shot Luarca in the neck, arms and torso. Ka. Orly was buried in his native Marinduque the first week of May. A week ordinarily marked by demonstrations and celebrations, extolling the working class' cause. COVER-UP When a government's express policy is to persecute and even kill its detractors, it goes without saying that implementation is complete from beginning to end. The Tantiado and Luarca were among the thousands of Filipinos who demonstrated and organized for a fair election. end is always a whitewash of the crime; a concerted attempt to protect the killers because the very existence of the government depends on their service. Such was the end for Timoy and Ka. Orly. On April 24, the regime broke its silence on the Tantiado murder. The controlled press printed the following story on Tantiado: ''There was no foul play involved in the death of the 17-year old boy. He died of natural causes. The investigation is over.'' The ''newstory'' was actually a press release from the Department of National Defense, copied word for word by all dailies. It was the first and maybe the last time Manila readers will ever hear of Teotimo Tantiado-from the Marcos side at least. Even Timoy' s autopsy report was tampered with. Col. Rolando Abadilla, best known for the "Marikina shoemaker murder,'' ordered traumatic pancreatitis changed to acute pancreatitis as if a mere change in words could satisfactorily explain how the previously healthy Timoy died suddenly of '' natural causes'' after four days of detention. Even the large bruised area directly above his pancreas, indicating heavy trauma, was labeled a birthmark. Ka. Orly's death on the other hand, was publicized as a case of self-defense. The worker martyr was actually a would-be assailant had not a quick witted trooper fired first , the military claimed. But there is another end to the tragedies of Tantiado and Luarca. An end which in the long-run will prevail over the government's whitewash. By killing Timoy and Ka. Orly, the government has not been rid of two less dissidents. On the contrary, the regime has created two more martyrs whose memories will continue to inspire the participation of many more in the resistance against the Marcos dictatorship. An account of Timoy' s life and death is being massively disseminated throughout the country, rousing public anger. Ka. Orly's death is sending waves of indignation among the restive workers' ranks. As his fellow workers put it: "Ka. Orly's death was a great loss to the genuine trade union movement and the workingman's cause but his spirit shall forever dwell in our minds. Experience has again taught us that, with Ka. Orly's unflinching commitment to the people, there is a far greater need for all workers to unite and fight for their emancipation even if they be deemed 'subversives.''• TANOD • June 1978 7 New AMLC Report A Report DEMOCRACY IN FORM, DICTATORSHIP IN SUBSTANCE HUMAN RIGHTS AND MARTIAL LAW IN THE PHILIPPINES '' Philippine dictator Ferdinand E. Marcos, whose name will long be synonymous with corruption and wanton violation of human rights, may yet pull the biggest fraud he has perpetrated so far on the Filipino people - lift martial law, without surrendering his one-man rule." So began the introductory section of the Anti- Rene Cruz, AMLC coordi- Martial Law Coalition's la- nator test release, ''Marcos' Plan To Lift Martial Law: Democracy in Form, Dictatorship in Substance." For one unfamiliar with the political shell games of the Marcos dictatorship, this assertion may seem like an uncanny prediction. Approximately two weeks after the release of the pamphlet, Marcos announced on June 12, his intention to end six years of martial law rule. What a coincidence! Written by AMLC National Coordinator Rene Cruz, the concise analysis demonstrates that even with the lifting of martial law, the Filipino people's democratic rights and freedoms- will remain suspended. The pamphlet is available for free at the following address: AMLC National Staff Office, 41-32 56th Street, Woodside, NY 11377. • The new report of the 1977 Friends of the Filipino People-Anti-Martial Law Coalition Investigating Mission to the Philippines, ''Human Rights and Martial Law in the Philippines" has assailed the facade of benign "constitutional authoritarianism'' promulgated by President Marcos. The succinct report, written by members of the mission and published by the National Resource Center On Political Prisoners in the Philippines sets forth the findings of the investigation and details current human rights violations in the Philippines, which include among other things '' ... the mockery of due process and normal legality which marked the trial of Trinidad Herrera· s torturers,'' and the frequent and systematic infliction of torture upon political detainees, ''brutal yet sophisticated enough so as to minimize permanent scars." The report corroborates the findings of the reports of Amnesty International, The International Commission of Jurists and the Association of Major Religious Superiors and goes further as the mission members recount their first hand exposure of a ''safehouse''-secret detention center where torture normally takes place after arrestand vividly relate their experience at a human rights teach-in which was brutally disrupted by water cannons and truncheon wielding police. The report, with an introduction by Representative Yvonne Brathwaite Burke (Dem.-CA) is available for $1.00 through the National Resource Center on Political Prisoners in the Philippines.• ~~~~~:v'WORSE THAN THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION' From page 4 atrocities perpetrated by the 533rd Company under the command of Major Pedro Montano: • Molito Mabute was killed on Dec. 29, 1977. Molito was mentally deranged and thus when asked if he was an NPA, responded with nods. Molito was shot for nodding at a question he did not even understand. • On January 31, 1978, a man was killed in Barangay Botoc. The man was gathering firewood when upon seeing approaching soldiers, decided to run. He was shot and brought to the barangay captain for identification. He died before he could be identified or investigated. • On January 26, 1978, a team of P. C. soldiers looted and ransacked some houses in Pinabacdao, bringing with them radios, roosters and some cash. • On January 29, 1978 a boy was maltreated in the Calbiga '' gallera,'' taken to the camp for interrogation and later shot in the evening. REFUGEE SITUATION Meanwhile, the plight of the refugees continues to worsen and their ranks, swells by the day. The refugees estimated at over 2,000, live in makeshift shanties near the town proper. Conditions are described as sub-human and disease and malnourishment are rampant. At least three children have died of El Tor, a cholera strain. Schooling has been discontinued and the evacuees are constantly hounded by fear and other anxieties. Because farming, the main source of income for this town, has ground to a standstill, the whole town is feared to experience food shortages and starvation in the months ahead. Some farmers have sneaked out of the evacuation centers at night to gather root crops in their deserted farms which remain offlimits to all but the military. The Archbishop of Calbayog and various religious groups are the only other sources of assistance for the refugees. On several occasions the Archbishop and evacuee-delegates have made representations to the regional P. C. and Army officials. They have received verbal promises but no concrete actions to date. It is believed that the complete cessation of military activity in the area could only come \\-Tith massive pressure from inside and outside the country. MASS PROTESTS HALT ATROCITIES Meanwhile in Negros, the people have turned the situation to their favor through protest actions . Fed up with the abuses of Task Force Mananaba.."'lg, some 5,000 persons staged a march and rally on March 5 of this year. The antimilitary sentiment is reportedly so widespread that the P. C. Provincial Commander of Bacolod, Col. de Villa, recently resigned. '' If the people recognize the NP A as their army, and not the AFP, then there is no reason for our existence," commented de Villa. A protest mass was even held inside the Bacolod Police Headquarters to denounce the atrocities of the AFP. Some soldiers were even moved to tears as they listened to the accounts of rape, murder and other atrocities, heaped on their fell ow N egrenses. • HELP A PRISONER • WRITE A LETTER Campaign Focus on Samar Refugees, Election Casualties In response to appeals of political prisoners for assistance in calling attention to, and immediate action on, their grievances and demands, the NRCPP ll' ill be launching letter writing campaigns to intercede on their behalf. This month, the NRCPP will focus on the specific concerns of Samar refugees and will seek justice for the deaths of Teotimo Tantiado and Orlando Luarca. We encourage all to participate. SAMPLE LETTER Salutation I am deeply concerned over the reported deaths of Teotimo Tandiado, a church worker and Orlando Luarca, a trade unionist, in the hands of your military. Tantiado was arrested on April 10 by men under the command of Col. Rolando Abadilla (Metrocom) and was discovered dead five days later. Luarca, reports say, was publicly shot by an Army soldier, Roberto Vasco on April 22 in Pasig, Rizal. If as you say. military personnel found guilty of torture will be punished, I sincerely hope your office will take action against the men involved in the deaths of Tantiado and Luarca. Furthermore, reports that the conduct of your military in Eastern Samar, has caused the evacuation of 400 families in Calbiga, deserves prompt attention. The lives of the Calbiga townfolk have been disrupted physically and economically by the presence of Task Force Leysam and the 553rd Company in their barrios. In light of these conditions, I urge your office to take action on the follo""·ing demands: 1. Cease all military operations in Eastern Samar. withdraw all forces from the area: 2. Provide adequate assistance to evacuees created by the military situation; recompense all victims of military abuse; 3. Release all those arrested. Signature JOIN US! ADOPT-A-PRISONER In return for a political prisoner dossier (which includes prisoner profile, san1ple letters and addresses of Philippine government authorities, and suggested media and fundraising approaches), I agree to send quarterly updates on all activities on behalf of our adopted prisoner to the National Resource Center on Political Prisoners in the Philippines, P. 0. Box 27118, Oakland, CA 94602, with copies of all responses received from Philippine authorities. ,-------------- ----- --- -, NCRPPP TA OD • June 197c Whom to Write The NRCPPP recommends that letters, or copies of letters be furnished to the following officials: Pres. Ferdinand Marcos Malacanang Palace, Manila Philippines Mr. Juan Ponce Enrile Department of National Defense Camp Aguinaldo, Manila Philippines Major-General Fidel Ramos Headquarters of the Philippine Constabulary Camp Crame, Quezon City Philippines Mr. Carmelo Barbero Department of National Defense Camp Aguinaldo, Quezon City Philippines Mr. Jose Crisol Office of Detain~e Affairs Department of National Defense Camp Aguinaldo, Quezon City Philippines In the U.S., we recommend that copies of your letters be furnished to your representative in Congress and: Ms. Pat Derian Office of Human Rights, Rm. 7802 U.S. Department of State Washington, D.C. 20520 I D I would like to join the adopt-a-prisoner cam- I I paign I : D I would like to participate in your monthly letter I P.O. Box 27118 Oakland, CA 94602 Bulk Rate U.S. Postage PAID Permit No. 3383 Oakland, Ca. writing campaigns I I D I would like to receive T ANOD and other I l publications of the NRCPPP. I I I I I Name- -------------- I 1 Address_________________ I I I Organization ________________ I l Telephone Numb_:_r _____________ _ J MONTHLY PUBLICATION OF THE NATIONAL RESOURCE CENTER ON POLITICAL PRISONERS IN THE PHILIPPINES Volume 1, Nune• 1 April 1978 Vigilance, Protedion of Life Introducing 'TANOD' Since President Marcos declared martial law in the Philppines in 1972, over 60,000 persons have been arrested for political reasons. Brutal torture has been applied to these political prisoners systematically. Many have died in detention. Others have simply "disappeared' ' - later to be found dead. The judicial system within which political detainees are tried is that of the military tribunal - described as '' a mockery" by prominent U.S. civil rights attorney John Caughlan and as a "farce" by one reputable International Commission of Jurists observer. "Justice" is delivered by Marcos-appointed judges whose very employment depends on compliance with the will of the President. In light of these consistent and widespread violations of internationally recognized human rights which have shown no sign of subsidence although now universally acknowledge by respected nongovernmental organizations such as Amnesty International, it has become crucial to widely publicize the patterns and victims of repression in the Philippines and to initiate campaigns aimed at preventing further human rights violations. TANOD, the monthly bulletin of the National Resource Center on Political Prisoners in the Philippines is responding to this need to monitor, inform the general public on, and challenge martial law policy with regard to political dissent. TANOD, or ' 'to watch,'' broadly suggests vigilance and the protection of life in a community where just law in inoperative. The National Resource Center on Political Prisoners in the Philippines was created during the October 1977 conference of the Anti-Martial Law Coalition. The. NRCPPP is committed to generating support for Philippine prisoners through letter writing and telegram campaigns directed at the Marcos regime; fundraisers for prisoners and their families; and the dissemination of literature publicizing their plight.• INSIDE THIS ISSUE . . . Testimony of One Survivor .................. 5 Three Bicutan Detainees Escape ........... 7 Importance of International Support ...... 2 Where is Jessica? 'Salvaging' - Unofficial Death Policy Jessica Sa/,es was an active leader in the Student Christian Movement at the time of her disappearance. In August of 1977, six students and one instructor at the University of the Philippines, mysteriously disappeared. The students: Modesto "Bong" Sison, Cristina Cattalla, Rizalina Ilagan, Gerardo Faustino, Ramon Jasul, and Erwin Cruz and the instructor, Jessica Sales, were all well known among various student and academic circles in Manila. Shortly after their disappearance, verification was received of their arrest in Makati, Manila, spurring their anxious parents to scour the prisons of Metro Manila and nearby provinces. Their search ended tragically at the Lucena City Public Cemetary, on Sept. 28, 1977. The body of Bong Sison was found buried in a common grave with three others. Nearby was another grave containing three more bodies. All victims are believed to be the companions of Bong. However, only two females were found, leaving one body, believed to be that of Jessica, missing. Camp Wilhelm authorities at Lucena claimed that t~e victims were underground elements of the New People s Amy who were killed in an encounter in Mauban, Quezon on Aug. 17. However, relatives of the victims believe this to be untrue: all were seen around Manila days before their disappearance. turn to page 4 2 -:=====::::::::::::..=--=-~~....::::::::-- ============================================================~T~'.A~N~0~1J~•~A~p~r~il~1~9~78 EDITORIAL: International SupP-ort cannot be Underestimated MASS PRESSURE BLUNTS REPRESSION -~- . :..:: .. / .." -~~,-1\i~t~-., it-,;11\rr· · .,.,.,~ .'.tj· Vemonstration in front of Philippine Consulate in Francisco, protests the conviction of Aquino, Buscayno Corpuz. San and Oftentimes, grim news of a massacre, murder or torture account, draws a mixed reaction of anger, fear, and helplessness among those of us who are concerned, yet too distant from the Philippine situation. As more and more accounts of these deplorable crimes appear in print, we face the danger of turning numb and apathetic towards the plight of those in most need of help. ''What can we do, the odds are insurmountable?" is a common sentiment. But if we simply ponder the question, "What can we do" and seriously think of the various ways to assist, we would already be exercising our responsibility towards our imprisoned brothers and sisters. INTERNATIONAL PRESSURE PAYS-OFF The effect of international pressure on the regime cannot be underestimated. Since the release of the Association of Major Religious Superiors Study on Political Prisoners (Part 1 and 2); the Amnesty International Report (1976); the State Department Report which confirmed the findings of the two previous studies; and the report of the Human Rights Investigating Mission to the Philippines; the Marcos dictatorship has been put on the defensive. With its naked use of repression exposed internationally, the Marcos regime could not resort to torture with the same impunity and openess, as before. To do so would be to invite a barrage of criticism from abroad. The importance of exerting international pressure has been underscored by two significant victories: the release of Trinidad Herrera, a well known civil rights activist, and the suspension of the death sentences meted Benigno Aquino, Victor Corpuz and Bernabe Buscayno. In the case of the former, letters and cables denouncing the torture of Ms. Herrera resulted in her immediate release. With ..- '\quino, Corpuz, and Buscayno, the torrent of protest - demonstrations and angry letters - which followed their conviction, forced the Marcos regime to suspend their trial. Other prisoners have also benefited from regular and timely assistance of foreign friends.Delia Delica Luneta, Elena Quinto, Isabelita Guillermo, Eliseo Telles, Jr., Dr. Roger Posadas, and Dr. Dante Simbulan, were either released or transferred to better detention quarters, due to the persistent efforts of sympathizers abroad. U .S.-based organizations, such as the Friends of the Filipino People and the Anti-Martial Law Coalition have met much success in their efforts to raise funds for and ventilate the plight of political prisoners. If these groups and individuals have met some measure of success in their efforts to check the abuses of the Ma_rco~ military, imagine what could be done with your active input. REPRESSION INHERENT IN DICTATORSHIP While international pressure can not be underestimated, neither can we expect miracles to result from it. Repression is necessary to prop up a dictatorship which does not enjoy popular support. By its very nature, the Marcos regime cannot be expected to dispense with repression altogether; otherwise it would collapse overnight. But, because the regime wants international acceptance so badly and realizes that its repressive reputation is a drawback, it cannot use repression with such impunity as to antagonize and shock the democratic sensibilities of other countries. The regime's obsession with cosmetizing its image abroad, is therefore its weakest point. For example, in the interest of improving its image, the regime has vowed to uphold human rights, prosecute torturers, improve prison conditions, release political detainees, and propel the country towards normalization. To date, Marcos has not substantially implemented any of these promises. Being amongst the very peoples Marcos hopes to impress, we find ourselves in the excellent position of putting Marcos' promises to test. For every victim of torture, for every death and disappearance, we can pointedly accuse Marcos before the court of world opinion, of total disregard for human rights. And since world opinion seems to be one of Marcos' greater fears, he faces no choice but to bow to international pressure or risk eroding his image even further. YOU COULD MAKE A DIFFERENCE Thus while we hold no illusions that the Marcos regime would reform its repressive ways, we have a healthy optimism that our supportive efforts abroad will blunt the effects of repression. Actions such as letter writing and telegram campaigns, fundraisers, pressure to end U.S. military aid to the Marcos regime, educational forums, and demonstrations when necessary, will go a long way towards the abatement of repression and alleviation of the political prisoners' plight. Past actions such as these have been acknowledged by prisoners themselves, particularly those detained at the Bicutan Rehabilitation Center. By making known your concern over a torture report to your government representatives and to the Marcos dictatorship, you would have already contributed concretely towards alleviating the condition of the prisoner concerned. Your letter and those of your friends and relatives could mean the difference between a prisoner spending a day or a week more in a torture chamber. • BE CONCERNED, GET INVOLVED, JOIN US! TANOD • April 1978 3 Demand for Disclosure Sison Whereabouts Remain Unknown The Sison 's in 1961. Juliet de LimaSison has been charged with subversion along with 54 others, while Jose Ma. Sison is being held incommuicado in an undisclosed detention center. Despite the wide publicity accorded the capture of Jose Ma. Sison, alleged chairman of the Communist Party of the Philippines,last Nov. 8, the Marcos regime has remained silent on the whereabouts of Sison. Virtually no news on Sison' s condition has been reported, although the local media continues to brag about the crippling blows dealt the resistance movement with Sison' s capture. However, unconfirmed reports that Sison is being kept in bartolina (isolation) and is tortured regularly, continues to circulate. Sison was sentenced for six days and starved for another two following his arrest. An appeal by his mother, Mrs. Florentina Sison to Pres. Marcos that she be allowed to see her son as a Christmas present, was denied. Meanwhile, Juliet de Lima Sison, Jose's wife and alleged ranking member of the CPP, was brought to trial on March 7 along with 54 others on charges of subversion. Ms. Sison has entered a plea of not guilty and has Aguinol Buscaynol Cor~uz accused the military of denying her access to counsel. Staff members of Sison's who were captured with him, Reynaldo Reynosa and Ester Cineza, were recently released from the bartolina section of the Bicutan Reahbilitation Center, leaving one, Sylvia Sales, unaccounted for. With Sales and Sison still languishing in bartolina and the military mum on any information about them, the signs look ominous. Under the dreaded bartolina section, prisoners are separately kept in dark and damp cubicles and are made to sleep in crouching positions for lack of space. They are denied visits from their immediate family and contact with other prisoners, for weeks or months. Oftentimes, their names are excluded from the official list of persons currently detained, to relieve the military of any responsibility for their treatment and whereabouts. Telegrams and letters demanding humane treatment for these prisoners and the disclosure of their whereabouts are strongly urged.•· Reopened Military Trial Called to Halt Bernabe Buscayno, Victor Corpuz and Benigno Aquino hear guilty verdict and death' sentence at Nov. 9th, 1977 hearing. In a surprise move, the Philippine Supreme Court with lack of respect. Supreme Court called a halt to the re- The hearings had reopened Decemopened military trial of Senator Benig- her 5 at the Fort Bonifacio Military no Aquino, Bernabe Buscayno and Camp to reconsider the cases of the Victor Corpuz, December 15. The only three. These three political prisoners explanation offered was by Chief Jus- had been sentenced to death November tice Fred Ruiz Castro who claimed that 25 by a Marcos controlled military the military tribunal had treated the tribunal in an act defying all legal precedent. Responding to international outcry, President Marcos ordered a new military trial for Senator Aquino, Buscayno, alleged chief of the underground New People's Army (NPA) and former armed forces Lieutenant Corpuz. The defendants had challenged the military tribunal to examine its C(jnscience and decide if it could give them a fair trial after having already sentenced them to death by firing squad. The seven member tribunal responded by rejecting these requests that it disqualify itself. Col. Marciano Bacalla of the tribunal replied that the seven members were not rehearing the case but only receiving additional evidence in a special procedure directed by the President, and that the court did not regard its previous verdict as vacated or set aside. The proceedings were monitored by two foreign lawyers of the International Commission of Jurists, San Francisco attorney George Davis and Australian John Dowd. Davis described the tribunal hearings as a "farce," announced he could not remain neutral, and that he was returning to the U.S. to organize a defense committee. • 4 TANOD • April 1978 HARRASSMENT FAILS Prisoner Released After 3 Months Susan Tagle, an ex-detainee speaks before Aug. 28, 1977 rally on Human Rights: ''Ours is a struggle for genuine freedom and democracy, and I'm proud to be part of it. '' from paget In the same month, the strangulated bodies of Virgilio ''Beer'' Silva and Salvador Panganiban were found dumped in a ravine in Tagaytay, Cavite. The August murders sent waves of fright and indignation among activist ranks, for it signalled the beginning of the conscious and systematic use of ''salvaging'' as the means to eliminate suspected subversives. ~ THE UNOFFICIAL DEATH PENALTY In the past few months, a number of deaths at the hands of the military have been reported from various sections of the country which has led to the speculation as to whether the expose of torture in the years 197 4 to 1977 has not led to a new trend, that of eliminaton of detainees. This speculation is borne out by the facts; since the declaration of martial law, an estimated 120 persons have disappeared or were killed while under military custody. Of this figure, 58 deaths and disappearances have occured in 1977 alo_ne, including the disappearance of some 40 persons in troubled Agusan del Sur. In almost all of these cases, the military tried to justify their actions by saying that these people attempted to escape or to fight back, hence they were shot. But circumstances surrounding the deaths reveal that they were killed unarmed. The military refers to this manner of elimination as ''salvaging.'' The verb Continuing evidence suggests that the arrest and harrassment of Philippine political detainees is in fact not achieving one of its intended results - intimidation. In a recent letter from expolitical detainee, University of the Philippines student Susan Tagle, an account of imprisonment is followed by a committment to further political and human rights work: ''I was arrested September 24, 1977 at about 6:00 pm at the lobby of the University of the Philippines Arts and Sciences Building. They had no warrant of arrest on hand, but they insisted upon taking me to the Security Division (SD) Headquarters where I waited for 1 hour while they fetched the Arrest, Search and Seizure Order from Camp Crame . . . After the SD, I was taken to Metrocom Intelligence Security Group to ''salvage'' means to '' save whatever is left,'' in its dictionary meaning. The Philippine military however, has given the term a new meaning. According to reports from Mindanao some military officials were reportedly overheard to say "We're tired of bringing cases to court.'' A similar statement was reportedly made by a high ranking military official of the II PC Zone Command a few months ago: '' There will be no more political detainees.'' It was in the II PC Zone a few months ago, where Bong Sison and his companions were killed. What is alarming about these incidents is that the death penalty can be given and executed "unofficially" apart from the normal legal processes in a country in which the courts are supposedly functioning. WHERE IS JESSICA? Meanwhile, Jessica's whereabouts remain a mystery. Some sources believe she is being kept in a military saf ehouse and purport that she was seen at least four times in the company of military men around the Greater Manila area and as far away as Mindoro. These sources believe Jessica may have been spared because of the military' s tendency not to unduly harm prominent personalities. A research associate at the U niversity of the Philippines in Los Banos, Jessica was also an active leader in the Philippine Student Christian Moveand turned over to them. Then I was made to strip before a male medical officer. I spent the night at Camp Crame and was transferred to Bi cu tan Rehabilitation Center the next day ... Charges were dismissed in November. I was not interrogated until late November. I was questioned only once. And then I was released on December 14 at about 11 :00 pm. ' 'I'm very proud, really, of the fact I was a political prisoner. I guess now I know that I've done something even something very small, for my country. And my detention won't stop me from pursuing our cause, and won't scare me off. We are in the midst of a struggle that is too important to simply turn my back on. Ours is a struggle for freedom and for true democracy, and I'm proud to be a part of it.''• ment and represented the Philippines in Christian conferences in Malaysia and Hong Kong, two months before she disappeared. Other sources, however, confirm her death based on the government's release of a ' 'piece of evidence.'' A letter ascribed to Jose Ma. Sison, alleged Chairman of the Communist Party of the Philippines, claims Jessica was killed in an encounter. Many doubt the authenticity of the letter and believe that the military is only using Sison' s name to lend credibility to the encounter story. But the mere use of this hoax, bolsters the belief that Jessica was indeed a victim of a rubout. Whatever the fate Jessica may have met in the hands of the military, her case deserves prompt investigation. Human rights groups and concerned individuals must not allow the Philippine's military to get away with thelie that Jessica was just another encounter casualty. Protest letters and cablegrams urging the following are strongly recommended. 1. Divulge the whereabouts of Jessica Sales; execute a full civilian investigation of her disappearance and the deaths of her six companions. 2. Investigate and put an end to ''salvaging'' as a standard operating procedure. In particular, target the II PC Zone Command under Brig. Gen. Alfredo Montoya for being the worst offenders. • TANOD • April 1978 ------·---------------------- 5 ADORA FAYE DE VERA TESTIMONY OF ONE SURVIVOR- (For nearly a year, Adora Faye de Vera, was on the missing persons list of the Task Force on Detainees. Together with two others, Adora was last seen at the Philippine National Railway Station in Tutuban, Metro Manila. After futile inquiries by the TFD, the three were assumed dead. At the risk of endangering her life, Adora emerged to tell of her experiences of torture at the hands of the 2nd Military Intelligence Group headed by Capt. Eduardo Sebastian - Editor) I am Adora Faye E. de Vera, a graduate of the Philippine Science High School and former NSDB scholar at the University of the Philippines, residing at 71 Malakas Street, Pinahan, Quezon City, 22 years old, married with one son. At around 11 o'clock on the evening of October 1, 1976, at the PNR station at Lucena City, while I was aboard a Mayon Limited train to Bicol, I was taken, together with two other persons, by plainclothesmen whom I learned later were elements of the 2MIG, 2CSU, and 231 st PC Company. I learned later that my two companions were Rolando Federis y Morallo and Flora Coronacion, residents of Project 4, Quezon City and Real, Quezon, respectively. We were dragged from the train to a waiting ambulance which took us to an unlighted three-door apartment somewhere in Lucena City. Our heads were pushed down onto the laps of the men and our eyes covered during the trip, so we could not tell exactly where the apartment was located. Here, Rolando and Flora were made to stand against the wall and subjected to a body search and when nothing illegal in nature was found, we were promptly separated into the three rooms where we were interrogated. I refused to answer any questions and requested that I see my parents first, because I was not yet of legal age. I also requested that the men identify themselves and their motives, thinking at first that we had been kidnapped. One of them identifed himself simply as a peace officer and member of an intelligence group. He promised to notify my parents as soon as curfew is lifted. However, they continued asking questions and when I refused to answer, one officer, whom I got to know later as Captain Eduardo P. Sebastian ordered me to strip in the presence of more or less 20 men, while he flashed a lamp several times on my face, preventing my eyes from getting used to the darkness. He threatened to subject me to further sexual indignities if I continued to deny their accusation. Rolando Federis, who was in the room next to mine, was punched several times to reveal my alleged subversive activities. At around 2:00 o'clock AM on October 2, I was allowed to dress and the three of us were taken to a former beer garden at the third floor of Samurai Health Temple and Massage Parlor at Juarez Street comer Quezon Avenue. Here Rolando was punced, kicked, and stabbed with a screwdriver several times until he lost consciousness. He was then doused with cold water and when he recovered. He was again punched, kicked and stab bed by several men, among them Major Escracha, Lt. Luis Beltran, TSgt. Florante Macatangay, Cpl. Charlie Tolopia, Cpl. Albert Trapal, Major Diamante, Pfc. Alex Estores, Pfc, Pablito Pesquisa, a certain Bong, a certain Jing and a certain Severino. Several officers took turns in questioning me and Maj. Escracha pointed a gun at my temple, threatening to shoot me if I did not answer. I was punched thrice in the stomach and forearm and slapped several times by Col. Alejandro Gallido when I denied their accusations. We were finally allowed to sleep at 4 o'clock AM. Rolando was placed inside a windowless room, a former storeroom which now served as their bartolina. He was allowed to go out only when performing his personal necessities, and was guarded even inside the comfort room. All three of us were not allowed to go near the windows or to Rolando Fideris, 24, and a tailor, has been missing for 17 months. talk with each other. During the following days, Flora was frequently taken inside a small room next to the bartolina, where she was continually interrogated by Welen Escudero. Rolando was allowed to come near us only to wash dishes after meals. On October 9, at around 2 o'clock PM, Capt. Sebatian ordered me to take off my pants, and not to put them on until I gave the information he wanted. I was ordered to stand in the center of the room, Rolando Federis, stripped naked, was taken from the bartolina, made to stand before me, and ordered to masturbate. When we refused, he was whipped several times on the genitals with a broom (walls tingting) while Cpl. Trapal, Cpl. Tolopia, Pfc. Pesquisa and others laughed and shouted obscenities at him. We were allowed to sit down only around 5: 00 o'clock PM and forced to make a write-up about our alleged subversive activities. Rolando was again punched when he refused. He was cuffed hand and foot to a chair and not allowed to sleep the whole night. Cpl. Trapal constantly punched, whipped or tickled him whenever he stopped writing. When Capt. Sebastian arrived the next day, he kicked Rolando several times on the face and threatened to kill us all if we continued to insist on our innocence. I was ordered to enter the room next to the bartolina where Capt. Sebastian ordered Cpl. Trapal to undress, preparatory to raping me. I was also made to take off my underwear, and threatened to be raped if I did not give any information. According to turn to page 6 6 ADORA: 'A Matter of Life and Death' frompage5 Capt. Sebastian, we were to be killed anyway, they might as well exploit while still alive. After some time, I was ordered to stand before Rolando, and Capt. Sebastian even said, ''Huwag mo namang sabihing madamot ako, pinakikita ko rin naman sa iyo." (Don't say I'm selfish, I let you have a look, also.) When Rolando tried to talk to me, he was placed prone on the floor and Cpl. Charlie Tolopia, W elen Escudero and several other person kicked and punched him. The following days, we were still not allowed to dress. Rolando had to sleep naked on the cold cement floor without any beddings. Cpl. Trap al and a civilian called Severino P. took turns in burning my fingernails and toenails with cigaretes, stroking my thighs and pulling the hairs off my knees and legs. On Oct. 13, Cpl. Charlie Tolopia and a civilain named Rodolfo took me to the bartolina where Cpl. Trapal and Severino P. subjected me to sexual indignities, touching my private parts while uttering obscenities. On October 14, I was raped by Capt. Eduardo Sebastian as his method of extracting information. Because I had no information to give, I was abused sexually from 12: 00 o'clock noon to past three PM. After this, I was also made to undress by Capt. Jesus Calaunan, and later that evening by Lt. Joseph Malilay. When Flora Coronacion was finally allowed to talk with me that evening, she confided that she had been raped the previous days by W elen Escudero and Florante Macatangay. After supper, she was taken to the small room by Pfc. Alex Estores, and when she came out crying, she confided again to me that she was raped. On Octboer 16 and 17, Capt. Sebastian threatened to rape me again, still on the pretext of extracting information. He challenged me to file charges against him after I am released, "just to see how far the government will support the efforts of the intelligence community." At around 8 PM, October 17, Lt. Joseph Malilay notified us that Rolando Federis and Flora Coronacion were to be transferred that evening, and he instructed them to take just a few pieces of clothing. He then ordered me to get into the room next to the bartolina, so that I would not see who would take my two companions. That was to be left behind for further interrogation. Also present during the tirhe were Major Escracha, Capt. Caluanan, and Capt. Sebastian. On Oct. 18, Capt. Sebatian and Lt. Malilay both tried to rape me but stopped in the presence of other persons. On October 23, Lt. Malilay attempted to rape me and when I resisted, he hit me several times on the face, I was sent careening across the room. At around 2 o'clock AM, November 2, I was blindfolded and taken to another safehouse, which I learned later was located in Manila, at 2010 Nuestra Senora del Carmen, Guadalupe, Makati. Here, I was again strictly prohibited from going near the windows, and frequently kept inside one room, hidden from other military personnel who were not concerned with my case. On November 12, Capt. Sebastian kept pressuring me to accept my guilt and to promise not to report anything that happened to me, as a matter of life and death." According to him, "Your two companions were under military custody. They did not escape, but now they are missing. You know the implications.'' From the time I was apprehended, TANOD • April 1978 all my requests for medicine during asthmatic attacks, requests to notify my parents, requests for legal counsel, and to at least be transferred to a proper detention center, were denied, and I was again taken to their safehouse at Samurai Health Temple, Lucena City, on December 16, 1976. During this whole time, Capt. Sebastian would take liberties with me whenever he pleased. On March 11, 1977, I was forced to sign a ready-made nine page sworn statement dated November 3, 1976 at Lucena City, subscribed by Fiscal Escueta. Capt. Sebastian made it clear to me that I had no other choice, as he has said before, on November 12. I was also made to sign other papers which they said were requisites for my release. I was released on June 30, 1977, but I was not given any release papers. I learned upon release that Task Force Detainee has listed me as missing, together with Rolando Federis and Flora Coronacion, but I could not seek help from said task force because I feared for my life and security, knowing very well what happened to my two companions. During my bi-weekly reports to Capt. Sebastian, I was constantly threatened by the papers I signed, although the military has always been quick to say that there were just ' 'reminders.'' Rolando Rd eris, age 24, and Flora Coronacion, 18 are still missing as of this date and indications are strong that • they were killed. The brutal torture and afterwards killing of persons still untried by due process may shock our democratic sensibilities, but what is more striking is that everything that happened to us was done under the full knowledge, with express approval and personal participation of the senior and junior officers concerned. In this connection, I would like to appeal for your aid in the following actions. 1. Render null and void, all papers I signed, because these were signed under duress and with false promises. 2. Prosecute the following officers and men for acts ranging from maltreatment and lasciviousness to rape and murder, and all other irregularities and illegalities connected with our apprehension and detention. Col. Alejandro Gallido, former group commander, 2 MIG, ISAFP; Major Escracha, Assistant Group Commander, 2 MIG, ISAFP; Major Diamante, 2 MIG, ISAFP; Capt. Eduardo P. Sebastian, Team Leader of GT205, 2 MIG, ISAFP;, Lt. Joseph Malilay, former company commander, 231st PC Company; Lt. Luis Beltran, 2 MIG, ISAFP; Capt. Jesus Caluanan, 2CSU; Cpl. turn to page 7 TANOD • April 1978 7 --------------=-=-=-=-=-,=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-======:-=============================================; ALMOST SALVAGED NUN ESCAPES CAPTORS In mid-January 1978, at about 11:00 a.m., a religious sister was apprehended in Marikina by two military men and made to get into a car at gunpoint. The car sped from Marikina down Aurora Boulevard and finally to an area near the Folk Arts Theatre. During the ride, Sister was constantly asked the names of people she had worked with in her home province where she had done community work before she entered the order. Upon arrival at the Folk Arts Center area, the two military men threatened to bum her if she would not cooperate with them. They got out of the car and opened the trunk to get the gasoline which they said, they would douse her with. Sister quickly turned the ignition key and began to drive away with the two men running after her. After some 300 ft. or so, Sister jumped from the car and ran toward the water where she jumped in and swam to an area wher she could hang onto. She remained there for several hours until it was dark at which time she emerged from the water and boarded a cab and headed for her convent. She could have been another salvage victim. • ADORA: Prevent iniustice frompage6 Charlie Tolopia, GT205, 2 MIG; Cpl. Albert Trapal, GT205, 2 MIG; TSgt. Florante Macatangay, GT205, 2 MIG; Pfc. Pablito Pesquisa, GT205, 2 MIG; Welen Escudero, civilian employee, GT205; Severino P. and Rodolfo, both of Pagbilao, Quezon; and all others concerned with our apprehension and detention. 3. Locate the whereabouts of Rolando Federis and Flora Coronacion and demand a full investigation of the officers concerned with their custody. 4. Expose torture and liquidation as a policy or method of operation of the 2nd Military Intelligence Group and other connected units, to general public oprmon m safeguarding our human rights. 5. Seek aid from Amnesty International and other like international organizations concerned with cases like lmP-risonecl without Charges 3 DETAINEES ESCAPE Bicutan Rehabilitation Center is located in a remote area, outlying Manila. Rather than await the mercy of their captors, three political prisoners from the Bicutan Rehabilitation Center, staged a clever escape last Dec. 24. The three, Eugenia Magpantay, Alfonso Abrazado and Agaton Topacio, took advantage of the Christmas season, when prison authorities are relatively more lenient on prisoner rights and privileges. Magpantay and Topacio staged their escape by securing Christmas Eve passes to visit their f am iii es and friends. Although escorted, the two managed to elude their security guard, and have since re-joined the . mme. I am now with the peasant masses, it is here where I feel my security can be guaranteed. I wish to express my sincere and heartfelt thanks to . . . for their efforts in locating us, and I am confident that this organization will help me again. I am sure all civic and religious organizations ever vigilant in keeping alive our human rights and civil liberties will be of great help in bringing justice to our case, and preventing similar incidents from happening in the future. If you would want added clarification on my case, the peasant masses would urban underground movement. Abrazado on the other hand, invited the prison guard to join him in a drinking binge. During their drinking session, Abrazado managed to get the guard so inebriated, that when he turned sober the following day, Abrazado was nowhere to be found. A few weeks later, Abrazado sent word to his former prison companions, that he has joined the peasant struggle in the countryside. Magpantay, Topacio and Abrazado were all victims of torture and have spend an average of 2 to 3 years in prison without any charges.• be very willing to arrange a meeting. If, however, this would be very difficult for you, my parents, Atty. Julian de Vera and Candida de Vera, can be of help in giving necessary information regarding my personal history until the time I was under military custody and declared missing. I swear the everything stated in this affidavit is the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, to the best of my knowledge. Done on this twentysixth day of December, in the year of our Lord, nineteen hundred and seventy- seven. • Sgd. Adora Faye E. De Vera 8 TANOD • April 1978 r-------- ----------::::-::::-::::-::::-::::-::::-::::-::::-::::-::::-::::-::::-::::-::::-::::-::::-.:::-::::-::::-::::-::::-.:::-::::-~~::::-~~::::-::::-::::-::::--.---~_-_-_::-_::-..::-.::::::::-.::::::::::::==---_:::-...:::-..::-.::::.::::.::::.::::::::-::::-::::-::::::::::::==-~ • HELP A PRISONER . WRITE A LETTER • Sison, Sales, De Vera Focus of Campaign In response to appeals of political prisoners for assistance in calling attention to and immediate action on their grievances and demands, the National Resource Center on Political Prisoners in the Philippines will be launching telegram and letter writing campaigns supporting these demands. These campaigns will be directed at Pres. Marcos and other top ranking officials of the Marcos military. Copies of these letters will also be furnished to the U.S. government as well as humanitarian organizations such as Amnesty International, urging them to exert pressure on the Marcos regime to take action on prisoner's complaints and demands. This month, the NRCP PP will focus its campaign on the specific concerns of Jose Ma. Sison, Sylvia Sales, Adora Faye de Vera, and Jessica Sales. We encourage aU our readers to participate in this campaign which only amounts to sparing a few hours of a day to write your letter. Below is a sample letter from which you could base your draft. Participants are also requested to furnish the center with a copy and to forward subsequent response of the Philippine or U.S. governments. SAMPLE LETTER Pres. Ferdinand E. Marcos Malacanang Palace. Manila, Philippines Mr. President: I am deeply disturbed by the recurrent reports of torture of political prisoners, despite your avowals of your governments respect for human rights. Recently, I have been informed that Jose Ma. Sison, and Sylvia Sales are being held incommunicado at an undisclosed detention center. They have been denied access to legal counsel and contact with their immediate and feared to be tortured regularly. Even worse was the treatment meted Adora Faye de Vera and Jessica Sales. The former was a survivor of "salvaging," or in your military's parlance, the unexplained disappearance and death of political prisoners. Her two other companions at the time of her arrest, Rolando FidE .. is and Flora Coronacion are feared to be dead. Jessica Sales on the other hand, who was apprehended on August 1977, with six others, all of whom are confirmed dead, is still missing. In view of these deplorable crimes, I urge your office to take action on the following demands: 1. Disclose the whereabouts of Jose Ma. Sison and Sylvia Sales; allow them access to legal counsel and the immediate family, and insure their humane treatment. 2. Explain the whereabouts of Jessica Sales. Order a full civilian investigation of the deaths of her six companions and the suspected murder of Rolano Fideris and Flora Coronacion. 3. Put an end to salvaging, in particular prosecute officers of the II PC Zone Command and the 2nd Military Intelligence Group. Prosecute all officers involved in the torture of Adora Faye de Vera. ..._ · ·{nature Copies of your letter should be sent to: Defense Sec. Juan Ponce Enrile, Camp Aquinaldo, Quezon City, Philippines Ms. Pat Derian, Office for Human Rights-Rm. 7802, U.S. Dept. of State, Washington, D.C.20520 Amnesty International, 53 Theobalds Rd., Loru:lon, WCIX 8 SF, United Kingdom NCRPPP A ReP-ort HUMAN RIGHT and MARTIAL LAW ii the PHILIPPINES The new report of the 1977 Friends of the Filipino People-Anti-Martial Law Coalition Investigating Mission to the Philippines, ''Human Rights and Martial Law in the Philippines'' has assailed the facade of benign '' constitutional authoritarianism'' promulgated by President Marcos. The succinct report, written by members of the mission and published by the National Resource Center on Political Prisoners in the Philippines sets forth the findings of the investigation and details current human rights violations in the Philippines, which incl~de among other things ''. . . the mockery of due process and normal legality which marked the trial of Trinidad Herrera's torturers'', and the frequent and systematic infliction of torture upon political detainees, ''brutal yet sophisticated enough so as to minimize permanent scars.'' The report corroborates the findings of the reports of Amnesty International, The International Commission of Jurists and the Association of Major Religious Superiors and goes further as the mission members recount their first hand exposure of a '' saf ehouse'' - secret detention center where torture normally takes place I after arrest- and vividly relate their experience at a human rights teach-in which was brutally disrupted by water cannons and truncheon wielding police. The report, with an introduction by Representative Yvonne Brathwaite Burke [Dem.-Ca.] is available for $1. 00 through the National Resource Center on Political Prisoners in the Philippines. • JOIN US! Write to the NRCPPP indicating the following: P .0. Box 27118 Oakland, CA 94602 Bulk Rate U.S. Postage PAID Permit No. 3383 Oakland, Ca. Name Address ------------------ ( Check boxes) □ I would like to receive T ANOD and your other publications regularly. □ I would like to join your letter writing campaign. □ I would like to donate to the Political Prisoners Fund. ' Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Tanod Publication & Logo (Fenkell Papers, Box 1, Folder 20) Subject The topic of the resource Political prisoners Torture--Philippines New People's Army (Philippines) Description An account of the resource This folder contains various issues of Tanod, detailing political prisoners in the Philippines, interfered elections, & Philippine military operations against the New People's Army Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Anti-Martial Law Coalition Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1978 June Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://rightsstatements.org/page/CNE/1.0/?language=en">COPYRIGHT NOT EVALUATED NON-COMMERCIAL USE PERMITTED </a>For other purposes, please contact Bulosan Center archivist Jason Sarmiento at <a href="mailto:ajsarmiento@ucdavis.edu">ajsarmiento@ucdavis.edu</a>. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource JPG, PDF Language A language of the resource English Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ucdw_wa012_s001_f020 ucdw_wa012_s001_0350-0368 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Fenkell Family collection Text A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. View/Download File(s) Link to download files <a href="https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/1lCAjU1MtQLopKoiQCQ5rtp8YV7WriZWt?usp=sharing">JPG Images</a> <a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1egMp6yODODlmaMrhfpd8_6pl7Mh6sgfK/view?usp=sharing">Text-Searchable PDF</a> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Misc. Local Organization Files (KDP [Katipunan ng mga Demokratikong Pilipino/ Union of Democratic Pilipinos], CMD) (Fenkell Papers, Box 1, Folder 8) Subject The topic of the resource Ang Katipunan (newspaper) Fundraising Katipunan ng mga Demokratikong Pilipino Union of Democratic Pilipinos KDP Extradition Boycotts Political Prisoners Coalition Against the Marcos Dictatorship Extradition Act of 1981 Description An account of the resource These documents contain fundraising activities for the Union of Democratic Filipinos & Coalition against the Marcos Dictatorship (Sacramento Chapters), along with fact sheets detailing Martial Law in the Philippines. Additionally, this folder contains fact sheets, press releases, and correspondences Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Nina (Liz) Fenkell Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1983-1984 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://rightsstatements.org/page/InC/1.0/?language=en">IN COPYRIGHT</a> - Bulosan Center for Filipino Studies and the University of California Regents hold intellectual control of the material. Educational and non-profit usage permitted. For other purposes, please contact Bulosan Center archivist Jason Sarmiento at ajsarmiento@ucdavis.edu. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource JPG, PDF Language A language of the resource English, Tagalog Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ucdw_wa012_s001_0175-0204 ucdw_wa012_s001_f008 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Fenkell Family collection Text A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. View/Download File(s) Link to download files <a href="https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/17Z1FfUCjNPowe_KJlNfCSGHMsKDOezLw?usp=sharing">JPG Images</a> <a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1_OihHZbmC7Z_v9xBGj31rQ1Sze55vutV/view?usp=sharing">Text-Searchable PDF</a> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Four Years of Martial Law in the Philippines, Essays on Marcos Dictatorship, 1972-1976" (Fenkell Papers, Box 1, Folder 7) Subject The topic of the resource Martial law -- Philippines political prisoners Militarization -- Philipines Military bases, American -- Social aspects. Description An account of the resource Reprinted by the Union of Democratic Filipinos, this report includes various reports on the Marcos Dictatorship, political Maneuvers, Economic Policies, U.S. Assistance to the Marcos Regime, The Torture of Prisoners, The Urban and Rural Resistance, and The Anti-Martial Law Movement outside of the Philippines Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Pandayan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1970s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://rightsstatements.org/page/CNE/1.0/?language=en">COPYRIGHT NOT EVALUATED </a>NON-COMMERCIAL USE PERMITTED For other purposes, please contact Bulosan Center archivist Jason Sarmiento at ajsarmiento@ucdavis.edu. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource JPG, PDf Language A language of the resource English, Tagalog Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ucdw_wa012_s001_0154-0174 ucdw_wa012_s001_f007 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Fenkell Family collection Text A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. View/Download File(s) Link to download files <a href="https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/1scdX2lzrZu8z-st4mVM91kgBk2AaV2LW?usp=sharing">JPG Images</a> <a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/17StzBNAHBslZVwX5072_1IDop29pk_i3/view?usp=sharing">Text-Searchable PDF</a> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Coalition Against Marcos Dictatorship-Philippines Solidarity Network - Memos and Guidelines (Fenkell Papers, Box 1, Folder 5) Subject The topic of the resource Political prisoners Martial law -- Philippines Filipino Americans -- Political activity -- Politics and government -- 20th century Philippine Commission on Human Rights Marcos, Ferdinand E. (Ferdinand Edralin), 1917-1989 Assassinations Description An account of the resource Documents pertaining to CAMD/PSN activities in 1984, along with memos and guidelines. This folder also contains a comprehensive listing of political assassinations conducted by the Marcos regime in the Philippines (See Fact Sheet: Fraud, Killings, Characterizes Philippine Election Campaign). Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Nina (Liz) Fenkell Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1984 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource IN COPYRIGHT - NON-COMMERCIAL USE PERMITTED For other purposes, please contact Bulosan Center archivist Jason Sarmiento at ajsarmiento@ucdavis.edu. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF,JPG Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ucdw_wa012_s001_0084-139 ucdw_wa012_s001_f005 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Fenkell Family collection Text A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. View/Download File(s) Link to download files <a href="https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/12UdxIfAX1QzJIWJ0TFhWjqe-eeLhhpCs?usp=sharing">JPG Images</a> <a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1zTod_KKg0F7NLYoXpGe_H6h72wOwHTSn/view?usp=sharing">Text-Searchable PDF</a> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Coalition Against Marcos Dictatorship-Philippines Solidarity Network, Caroling Campaign (Fenkell Papers, Box 1, Folder 4) Subject The topic of the resource Bay Area Anti-Martial Law Alliance Christmas carols Political prisoners Filipino Americans -- Political activity -- Politics and government -- 20th century Coalition Against the Marcos Dictatorship Philippine Solidarity Network Description An account of the resource Details the 1983-1984 Caroling Campaign, including song lyrics, goals, time frame and talking points. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Nina (Liz) Fenkell Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1983-1984 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="https://rightsstatements.org/page/NKC/1.0/?language=en">NO KNOWN COPYRIGHT</a> For other purposes, please contact Bulosan Center archivist Jason Sarmiento at ajsarmiento@ucdavis.edu.